Tacuit et fecit Curves Dario Passi. Oblique Drawing Luca Galofaro. Atlas of Notes Montages Orthogonal. Anger of Form Scrapbook Steven Holl. Vernacular Interiors Wooden Interiors. So we began to build divisare not vertically, but horizontally. It is a different idea of the web, which we might call slow web.
Vienna Vilnius Warsaw Zagreb Zurich. United States of America Viet Nam. Books New Issues Instead of the fast, distracting web, we prefer a slow, careful one. Adjacent there is a Mozzarella-Bar, same ownership. You have to book ahead of time to be seated at the tables divided by hung laundry, like in the alleys of Naples, in a rustic but refined and clean environment. White tones conspire to create the atmosphere of a country house. The idea of repurposing an old laundry service is certainly interesting. We like the ambiance, which is in tune with the authentic, generous, and original.
Be sure to arrive with a big appetite.
You can dine with a prix fixe menu at 60 Euro. Starters could include carpaccio of fish and meat, tasty bruschetta, and then soups, pasta, risotto and shrimps cooked with mediterranean herbs. Included in the price is also the wine, which, like the house extra virgin olive oil is from the Sabina area of Lazio. The wine list could use some improvement. Meals close with an espresso and a digestif, to be enjoyed, like the Italians do, at the counter. Classic style and elegance distinguish this super central Italian restaurant in Mitte. The cuisine channels the Italian tradition updated to a more streamlined, modern style.
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Well-balanced flavours and well-combined textures, aromas and perfumes, be it giant prawns in lardo bacon on chickpeas cream or a rack of lamb breaded with herbs, Chianti sauce and potatoes au gratin. The truffle risotto is perfectly executed. The panna cotta is the perfect closure. The wine list displays more than Italian labels and a centered by the glass choice. Plus, a huge selection of magnum and half bottles. Gli intellettuali spiati dai gendarmi by Mirella Serri.
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Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. Preview — Sorvegliati speciali. Sorvegliati speciali. Nessuno si aspetterebbe di ritrovarli in mattinali e rapporti riservatissimi della polizia. L'incredibile vicenda prende avvio nel dopoguerra e s'intensifica in epoca scelbiana quando si lavora intensamente per schedare l'intellighenzia di sinistra, Nessuno si aspetterebbe di ritrovarli in mattinali e rapporti riservatissimi della polizia.
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Lavorando su archivi fino a oggi mai esplorati, Mirella Serri riporta alla luce non solo la sotterranea caccia all'intellettuale scatenata dai governi a maggioranza democristiana ma anche il profilo nascosto della storia della cultura di sinistra in Italia, con le sue grandi illusioni e i suoi atroci abbagli.
Get A Copy. Hardcover , Storica; 6 , pages. More Details Original Title. Sorvegliati speciali : gli intellettuali spiati dai gendarmi Other Editions 1. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up.
To ask other readers questions about Sorvegliati speciali. Gli intellettuali spiati dai gendarmi , please sign up. From , the Allies had engaged in counterespionage operations and interrogations of ex-Ovra officers. As being an ex-Ovra officer was not punishable per se, very few were found guilty and the acquittal of Guido Leto, one of the key personalities of the Fascist police,3 and his collaborators paved the way to the discharge of less important functionaries.
Overall, the Fascist administrative class remained in place despite defascistization: Judicial application of the purge decrees and a final amnesty adopted in February resulted in the fact that most of the 1, civil servants who had been dismissed for collaborating with the government of the north and the who had been compulsorily retired were reinstated.
Interestingly enough, some categories are overrepresented such as journalists and lawyers while others are underrepresented, such as judges who, as Franzinelli and Pavone claim, were highly implicated with the regime. The names of some well-known informers, such as Monsignor Pucci or the lawyer Cassinelli, were even deleted due to political pressure despite evidence concerning their active involvement with the regime Franzinelli When Mario Scelba was the Minister of the Interior , the police approach was not inherently different from the one used during the twenty years of the dictatorship and some surveillance-related tools, such as the Central Political Record,6 were reused in order to maintain files on certain categories of citizens.
This relates to one of the primarily legal legacies of the dictatorship, namely the Rocco code the penal code promulgated under Mussolini , portions of which remained in effect until the s ibid along with the Lombrosian approach to delinquency. The reorganization of the police, forged by the Fascist Arturo Bocchini, was almost unaffected by the transition to democracy. Surveillance and control were used to target left-wing groups.
Communist and socialist politicians, such as Basso and Lussu, raised the issue in the Italian Parliament, highlighting the use of anti-democratic police-state methods Basso Despite the different socio-political context, communists and socialists remained the main target of surveillance for at least three decades after the end of World War II Serri While the democratic shift is controversial, surveillance-related tools cannot be deemed illegal per se.
Additionally, the antidemocratic ideology is clear when looking at thousands of pages of police investigation dossiers focused on the Italian left-wing intellighenzia compiled from to Serri Barletta remained in place until , more than 10 years after the end of the regime Franzinelli Moreover, the previously mentioned Guido Leto, after his acquittal, was enrolled as Inspector General of the Police and then as director of the police training schools.
The transition from Fascist to post-Fascist governments displayed more continuity than discontinuity in many aspects. First and foremost, the highly centralized and bureaucratic Italian governance was not dismissed. If we consider surveillance as intertwined with modernity, bureaucracy and rationality Giddens ; Bauman ; Lyon which are also three characteristics of the ventennio,7 we would argue that the repression carried out through surveillance was not only a feature of the regime but also a feature embedded in the new Italian Republic.
Many state agencies were affected by a permanence of the Fascist ideology and several para-state agencies associated with the regime did not fade away with the fall of the duce.
For instance, it is revealing that the first Italian military secret service Sifar, Servizio Informazioni Forze Armate was created in without a proper political debate. When the aforementioned Gesualdo Barletta left the management of the new Division of General and Reserved Affairs in , the approach to state security did not change. The new director, Domenico De Nozza, moved from Trieste to Rome with more than 40 collaborators who, with the help of the Ministry of Interior Tambroni, engaged in illegal information gathering on communists, specifically on the Italian Communist Party PCI.
This illegal activity was carried out independently from the legal secret service Sifar and thus epitomized the emergence of a state within a state also supported by the American Central Intelligence Agency CIA. The appointment of the general de Lorenzo was highly supported by the US, who were concerned by the growth of left-wing parties. At the end of the s, the Sifar deeply restructured and strengthened thanks also to collaboration with foreign intelligence agencies managed to put together , files 34, were deemed illegal by parliamentary committee on politicians, trade union leaders, political activists and priests Marcus ; De Lutiis Firstly, surveillance techniques relied more on electronic devices i.
Thirdly, the Sifar was shaped more by issues of power and personal interests than by national security needs.https://kinun-houju.com/wp-content/qekyvidag/362.php
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The General stated that the files were set up for the NATO countries but some of those files, for instance, were also used to manipulate the presidential elections in While the contextual history of intelligence during the Cold War is beyond the aim of this paper, it is worth noting that the cooperation between the CIA and the Italian military secret service led to the creation of the so called Gladio, a clandestine network conceived within NATO countries to confront a Soviet invasion De Lutiis The massive surveillance operation carried out by De Lorenzo and his paramilitary forces through unconstitutional means is both thorny and far for being fully understood.
However, the patchwork picture that seems to transpire from the s and s did not occur in a vacuum. Ideological, legal and political legacies of the dictatorship were fertile grounds for discretional policing approaches to flourish. The survival in powerful positions in security and judiciary services of ex-fascists or fascist sympathizers preserved an ideological status quo ante that threatened democracy for at least two decades after the end the of the dictatorship.
The militarization and the centralization of police forces are key to explaining repression and strategies of social control. Moreover, surveillance and information gathering, that permeated every aspect of the Fascist society and were used to orchestrate a powerful policing system, fostered a police culture that went well beyond the ventennio.
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Parallel police and illegal police- type bodies are reminiscent of one of the first forms of political repression used by the regime. Fascist legacies were, thus, either direct i. The Welfare State as a tool for social control Social policy in post-war Italy was another sector where direct and indirect legacies of the Fascist regime were apparent. In this section we describe the main features of the Fascist welfare state and we point out the prevalence of elements of continuity during the first two decades in the life of Italian democracy.
Moreover, we highlight the strategic role played by social policy as a tool for social control, according to cultural and political perspectives similar to those pursued by the approaches to security and repression described in section 1.
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In this framework, we focus on the case study of the educational system as another paradigmatic example of continuity between the Fascist regime and democracy, with many similarities to the history of the police state surveillance apparatus. Finally, we refer to some elements of discontinuity that characterized the s and s.
First, it is worth mentioning that the Fascist model on one side had a corporative inspiration, but on the other side it represented a fundamental step and a turning point in the development of State intervention in the field of social policies. In fact, although during the liberal pre-Fascist era some important signals of state social intervention emerged, these reformist achievements did not imply the existence of a systematic network of social services comparable with the one introduced during the dictatorship.
In particular, the reformist government of Giolitti succeeded in introducing significant innovations in social insurance legislation, such as the introduction of compulsory insurance for old age, invalidity and unemployment in Cherubini , but its strategy did not imply the build-up of a social system managed by the State. In the historical context described above, the Fascist strategy in social policy was implemented through two basic steps, both aimed at keeping social control and creating consensus for the new regime.
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The first step concerned the urgent necessity of destroying the structures managed by ideological competitors. The second step took place especially after with the foundation of the Corporatist state, when the regime began to look at the implementation of a Fascist social policy. From a quantitative viewpoint, during the regime the social expenditure grew to some per cent of the state budget, two or three times more than in Flora All these achievements were built up in a political perspective that gave social policy a very important ideological status as a privileged tool for the creation and the maintenance of social control De Felice , In this framework, the reality was that unemployment insurances were at the level of starvation wages and workers gained access to a clearly inadequate health care system.
Moreover, access to these inadequate services was based on political and social discrimination. Furthermore, many resources were invested in campaigns—such as those against alcoholism and drugs—that produced few practical results but were useful for the purposes of social control. The above-described Italian welfare state pattern did not change significantly during the two decades after World War II Villa A sort of long-term path dependency attitude limited the capacity of reformation.